槍支管控一直是美國(guó)社會(huì)繞不開的話題。頻繁發(fā)生的槍擊案之后，是一波又一波的抗議浪潮。

前不久，在中國(guó)人民準(zhǔn)備過大年的時(shí)候，美國(guó)佛羅里達(dá)州帕克蘭一所高中又傳出了槍聲。

一名19歲的槍手向人群開槍，造成17人死亡。

▲“極為恐怖的一天"：至少17人在佛羅里達(dá)州校園槍擊事件中被射殺 (via Washington Post)

隨后，數(shù)千名師生走上街頭抗議，要求政府管控槍支，杜絕校園槍擊案再次發(fā)生。

▲“禁槍！"：佛羅里達(dá)州學(xué)生集結(jié)抗議政府在致17人死亡的校園槍擊案后無作為(via Washington Post)

中國(guó)向來有嚴(yán)格的法律規(guī)定管控槍支，一定程度上杜絕了這類惡劣事件的發(fā)生。

在Global Times之前做過的一個(gè)街頭采訪中，就有外國(guó)人表示在中國(guó)覺得很安全，不用時(shí)時(shí)刻刻擔(dān)心被槍擊。戳這兒復(fù)習(xí) →中國(guó)到底安全不安全？聽聽歪果仁怎么說！

然而，槍支管控是一個(gè)復(fù)雜的問題。一位從美國(guó)搬來中國(guó)的小伙伴認(rèn)為中國(guó)的控槍政策在美國(guó)行不通。

來看看他是怎么說的吧——

Alan Eagle

China's gun controls won't work in the US

When I moved to China from the US, I found great relief in never having to worry about being mugged, having my homerobbed, or taking extra caution to make sure my female friends and coworkers arrived safely home at night. Gone are the small calculations about how safe astreet or neighborhood is, or quick assessments of how much risk a stranger poses. China is one of the safest countries in the world, something the people here should be proud of.

從美國(guó)搬來中國(guó)以后，我深深地松了一口氣，再也不用擔(dān)心被劫、被搶或者為了確保我的女性朋友和同事每天晚上安全到家而各種小心謹(jǐn)慎。再也不用小心翼翼地估摸某個(gè)街道或者周圍是不是安全，也不會(huì)在看到陌生人的時(shí)候快速分辨他是不是有威脅。中國(guó)是世界上最安全的國(guó)家之一，這是這里的人值得自豪的地方。

Of course, violence and attacks occur here. However, the worst of these attacks are mass stabbings, and casualty rates are much lower than in US mass shootings.

當(dāng)然，這里也會(huì)出現(xiàn)暴力和攻擊事件。然而，最嚴(yán)重的就是大型的持刀傷人，死傷率遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)低于在美國(guó)發(fā)生的大規(guī)模槍擊事件。

Some of my friends have concluded that this proves strict gun control along the lines we see in China is the best way to ensure the safety of the people, and that the US should follow this example.

我的一些朋友總結(jié)說，這就證明我們?cè)谥袊?guó)看到的嚴(yán)格的槍支管控是保證人們安全的最佳方式，而美國(guó)就應(yīng)當(dāng)向中國(guó)學(xué)習(xí)這一點(diǎn)。

Sadly, this preion for American gunviolence ignores the different situation there.

可惜的是，這個(gè)解決槍支暴力的辦法忽略了美國(guó)當(dāng)?shù)氐那闆r。

America is already awash in guns. By most estimates, there are now over 300 million firearms in the US, that's more than enough for every adult and child to have a gun each.Whether it was wise to let things reach this state is a matter for historians to judge, and such debates won't change anything.

美國(guó)是一個(gè)槍支泛濫的國(guó)家。根據(jù)大多數(shù)的估計(jì)，美國(guó)現(xiàn)在擁有超過3億槍支，已經(jīng)足夠每位成年人和每個(gè)孩童擁有一只槍的數(shù)額。讓事情發(fā)展到這一地步是否明智應(yīng)當(dāng)是由歷史學(xué)家來判斷的問題, 而且這樣的爭(zhēng)論不會(huì)改變?nèi)魏问虑椤?/p>

Many of these guns are in the hands ofcriminals. The problem with gun regulations is that law-abiding citizens obeythem, and those intent on doing evil ignore them. The risk of any gun control scheme is that people who would use guns for self-defense would not have accessto them, while criminals remained armed.

許多槍支都落在了罪犯手里。與槍支相關(guān)的法律面臨的問題是，遵守法律的人自然會(huì)遵守，但那些琢磨著干壞事的人根本不把它當(dāng)回事。而任何一種槍支管控方案都面臨著這樣的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，想要用槍支自衛(wèi)的人沒有槍，但犯罪分子卻仍然有。

People who live in America's dense urban areas understandably support gun control more than people in rural areas. In urban areas, police can respond within minutes, and there are always people around to call for help in case of a dangerous incident. Also, people live shoulder to shoulder with those from vastly different backgrounds, and are therefore less trusting of strangers and less able to read them. However, in smaller cities and the countryside, communities are much more homogeneous and close-knit. The idea of a neighbor or fellow church-goer having a gun is a comfort, not something to be alarmed about. Furthermore, in a rural area it could take police 20 minutes or longer to respond to an incident. And in manycases, people are quite isolated and far from help in case of trouble.

住在美國(guó)密集的市區(qū)里的人比住在鄉(xiāng)村的人更支持槍支管控，這是可以理解的。在市區(qū)，警察可以在數(shù)分鐘內(nèi)做出反應(yīng)，而且一旦發(fā)生危險(xiǎn)事件，周圍總會(huì)有人幫忙呼救。同時(shí)，人們與背景截然不同的人一起生活，便很少會(huì)信任陌生人，也很少能夠了解他們。然而，在小城市和鄉(xiāng)村里，社區(qū)之間是更加類似而且緊密聯(lián)系的。某位鄰居或者一起去教堂的人手里有把槍對(duì)其他人來說是一種安慰，而不是什么值得警惕的事情。此外，在鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)，警察對(duì)某個(gè)事件做出反應(yīng)大約需要20分鐘甚至更久。而且在許多情況下，人們?cè)谟龅铰闊┑臅r(shí)候通常是孤立無援的。

Most Americans agree that they don't want weapons of war like the AR-15 rifle in the hands of civilians. To make ametaphorical comparison, most Americans also don't like "fake news"being spread around the Internet. The problem is, who gets to decide what is "fake news"? Who get to decide which person gets what kind of gun?

許多美國(guó)人并不贊同普通市民擁有像AR-15步槍這種戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)武器。打個(gè)比方，大多數(shù)美國(guó)人也不希望“假新聞”在網(wǎng)上四處傳播。但問題在于，誰去決定什么才是“假新聞”？誰又去判斷什么人該擁有什么樣的槍？

Freedom of expression and the right to bear arms are both constitutionally protected rights. Everyone agrees these rights are not unlimited, but drawing the lines is a tricky business. In general,courts and the American people lean toward more freedom and personal responsibility rather than less. There is no chance of getting enough support to amend the Constitution to restrict gun rights.

言論自由和擁有武器自由都是受憲法保護(hù)的權(quán)利。大家都同意這些權(quán)利不是無限的，但是要?jiǎng)澠鹁�來就很難了�？偟膩碚f，法院和美國(guó)人均傾向于更多的自由和個(gè)人義務(wù)。想要獲取足夠的支持來通過修憲限制擁有槍支的權(quán)利是不可能的。

Within the framework of the Constitution, there is room for restricting certain kinds of weapons, and barring the right to bear arms to certain kinds of people. But when push comes to shove, Americans, particularly those of us from less populated areas, are fearful of a slippery slope that leads to us being forced to give up our guns. We don't want to leave our safety and that of our loved ones to some government scheme. In China, the people have all agreed that it is better if no one but the policehave guns. But in the US, any gun-control plan that opens that door - even acrack - would be soundly defeated both in the courts and at the ballot box.

在憲法框架內(nèi), 還是有余地來限制某些種類的武器以及禁止某些人攜帶武器的。但是，到了緊要關(guān)頭，美國(guó)人，尤其是我們那些來自人口較少地區(qū)的人，又會(huì)害怕這會(huì)一不小心迫使我們放棄武器。我們不想把自己和自己愛的人的安全交給某些政府體制。在中國(guó)，除了警察之外其他人不能擁有槍支是大家都同意的。但是在美國(guó)，任何槍支管制的計(jì)劃，想要嘗試打開這扇門，甚至是開一條縫，都會(huì)在法庭和投票箱里被徹底擊敗。

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